Bonikbarta Exclusive

Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir has been involved in politics even before the country’s independence, spanning almost six decades. After briefly working as a teacher, he became fully active in politics in the mid-1980s and soon joined the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Since 2011, he has been serving as the party’s secretary general, leading during a time when the party has been out of power for over fifteen years. In an interview with Bonik Barta, he discussed the interim government and BNP’s thoughts on the upcoming election. Anika Mahjabin conducted the interview.

It has been one month since the interim government assumed office. How do you evaluate it?

The current interim government differs slightly from previous ones in Bangladesh. This government came into power after a spontaneous student-people uprising. Dr. Muhammad Yunus is leading it. He is widely accepted by almost everyone. Everyone likes him. People trust him and hold him in high regard. Although he hasn’t been active in politics, his work in economics and for the people has made him globally respected and accepted in this position.

It’s difficult to say much about a government after just one month. However, many members of this government lack experience in public administration and governance, with only a few exceptions. There are some individuals with experience—economists, bureaucrats, and people connected to NGOs. So, it’s unrealistic to expect everything to improve overnight.

However, Dr. Muhammad Yunus recently provided a framework in his speech, outlining his vision and what he intends to achieve. I personally believe that the commissions he has formed, particularly for reforms, are a positive step. He has appointed capable individuals, and I believe it will yield good results. The sooner these reforms are implemented, the better. Swift action will open up opportunities to resolve the issues because, without a public mandate, no government can achieve much in terms of sustainability. We hope these reforms will be completed quickly.

But public participation is crucial here. Reforms must be based on public opinion. The process of how public opinion will be integrated is something they must decide. Then, of course, the proposals must go to Parliament, elections must be held, and the reforms must be ratified and incorporated into the Constitution.

The interim government has indicated that elections will take place at a stage of the reforms. What do you think the timeline might be?

I don’t want to give an estimated timeline because it’s a complex matter. Giving a specific timeframe would be hypothetical, and I’d prefer not to engage in too many hypothetical statements. However, too much time shouldn’t be taken. A reasonable amount of time should be allowed, and the sooner the elections take place, the better it will be for both the government and the people.

What is your assessment of the advisers in the interim government?

I don’t wish to comment on individual advisers. I believe their actions will reveal everything. As I’ve mentioned, most of them lack experience in working with the government, so it’s unrealistic to expect flawless results immediately. But they are trying their best, and many are doing well. I remain optimistic.

No politicians were included in this interim government. Were you consulted on this matter when the government was being formed?

The decision to form the interim government was made in our presence. All political parties, along with the heads of the defense and security forces, met at Bangabhaban with the President. It was decided that this would be an interim government. We all know the nature of such a government. Everyone in Bangladesh wants a neutral government before the elections, a non-partisan one. The absence of politicians shouldn’t cause much trouble, but it would help if the government consulted political parties regularly to address this gap.

Has the interim government communicated with your party in the last month?

Yes, they have spoken to us twice already. We’ve had discussions and conveyed our views to them.

What is your take on the government’s role during the recent floods?

The military played a major role in this year’s floods. NGOs and political parties were also involved. The government did its part, though perhaps they could have done more. It ultimately depends on the bureaucrats in charge. They may not have been able to do everything, but NGOs stepped in to fill the gaps, and the military contributed significantly.

There have been issues with DC appointments in the public administration, and several institutions are struggling due to various reasons. Do you think the interim government can resolve this institutional crisis?

For the past 15 years, people in this country couldn’t speak up about their grievances or find justice. Now, in this open environment, it’s natural for people to express their opinions and bring forward their complaints. This is not unusual. I believe the reasonable approach now is to give this government some time. The government is working, and we should allow them to do so. They should be given advice, but nothing should be done to create a hostile situation for the government.

Do you think this government is capable of handling the chaos?

They are trying. I don’t expect everything to change overnight. We’ve had a fascist government, a highly partisan one. Most of the officials in various positions were aligned with the ruling party. Removing them immediately isn’t feasible; they need time to work. More experience would have helped them perform better, and more communication with others might have yielded better results. I feel there’s a lack of communication, but by engaging more frequently with experienced people who’ve governed before, these issues can be resolved.

How do you view the law and order situation in the country still not being under control?

In light of the current circumstances, the law and order situation isn’t bad. One thing to note is that there’s no major issue outside the industrial zones. In the first few days, the police weren’t present, and even now they are absent in some areas. Students have been managing the streets, and the general public has cooperated. People have patrolled their neighborhoods at night to prevent theft or robbery, something I’ve personally witnessed.

Our party members have also taken to the streets, helping to patrol. Essentially, all political parties have contributed in the hope that, after such a massive student and public uprising and the fall of fascism, a breath of fresh air will follow. Everyone anticipates that democracy will thrive here.

If this government fails to administer effectively, what steps will the BNP take?

It’s not yet time to speak of this government in that manner. I don’t want to delve into hypothetical questions right now. We believe they’ll be able to do it, and we’ll offer the necessary cooperation. I’m not going to answer that question right now.

How do you evaluate the 2024 mass uprising?

Those of us involved in politics know Bangladesh well. The history of Bangladesh shows that people have rebelled when necessary. We’ve always been hopeful, which is why we’ve led protests in the streets. This student-people uprising didn’t happen overnight. Over the past 15-16 years, we’ve reached this point through great sacrifices, and as a party, we’ve made the most sacrifices. We’ve been the most affected, the most persecuted. We protested. Our Chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia was imprisoned for six years and is still unwell. Over 600 of our people were forcefully disappeared, and thousands were shot dead. The Sheikh Hasina government has filed false cases against 6 million people—baseless, fabricated cases. So, we’ve been fighting this battle from the start. I myself was jailed just a short time ago for this movement.

When this movement began, 27,000 of our party members were imprisoned, from senior leaders to ordinary members. During those few days, 1,700 cases were filed, all against our party. Our leaders were jailed, tortured, and mistreated. Some couldn’t change clothes for seven or eight days in prison. Even then, some of our activists were shot dead. According to our records, the number is around 200. So, we created the conditions for this mass uprising. We’ve been fighting for the past 15 years; this didn’t happen in a day.

Some people are concerned that the BNP will follow the same political trajectory as the Awami League. Can the BNP remain distinct from the Awami League?

I completely disagree with that and protest it. The BNP has always been different from the Awami League. The Awami League did many wrongs, and the BNP corrected them. In 1975, the Awami League implemented a one-party system through BAKSAL, and the BNP replaced it with a multi-party system. We introduced parliamentary democracy. We added the caretaker government system to the constitution to ensure free and fair elections. So, comparing the BNP to the Awami League is entirely wrong. It’s an injustice.

The Awami League and the BNP cannot be the same. The Awami League is a fascist party; the BNP is a democratic party. BNP has made the most sacrifices for democracy. I can confidently say that no leader of any political party has sacrificed as much as Khaleda Zia. No political leaders have sacrificed as much as BNP leaders. Can anyone imagine a democratic party facing false cases against 6 million of its people? How many times have we gone to jail? How many times has the police violently tortured us? Has everyone forgotten these things? Do things happen overnight? Behind this student-people uprising are 16 years of our sacrifices. The BNP has sacrificed. Our leaders and activists have sacrificed. Today, from the rickshaw pullers to the street vendors in Dhaka, the majority are BNP supporters. They had to leave their own regions and come to Dhaka. This is the reality.

How do you view the current state of the Awami League?

The Awami League is an old political party. But now Awami League has no element of politics. It’s politically bankrupt now. Whether it can revive as an organization depends on its future plans.

We’ve seen India’s influence in Bangladesh’s politics over the past 15 years, especially in the elections without much participation of voters where the Sheikh Hasina government received their full support. How do you view India’s influence on the current political landscape?

India has always tried to influence our politics, and they’re certainly still doing it. They previously had a direct influence, even if we don’t see it visibly now. But by sheltering Sheikh Hasina, they may be not fully understanding the political aspirations of the Bangladeshi people.

Is India attempting to maintain the relationship that Sheikh Hasina said had elevated Bangladesh-India ties?

Of course. They will do so. Every country acts in its own interest. I need to do my job. Bangladesh will act in its own interest, and I hope it will now do just that.

Can you shed light on the BNP’s relationship with Jamaat-e-Islami?

Our relationship is just as it should be between any two political parties. Jamaat is a separate political party, and so are we. Jamaat’s goals and ideology are one thing, ours are another. We are the party of the Liberation War. Our founder declared independence. We definitely have a distinct position. We fully believe in liberal democracy, while Jamaat advocates for an Islamic state. So, there’s clearly a difference.

Will Jamaat’s growing influence impact the BNP’s vote bank?

Why do you say Jamaat’s influence is growing? Based on what? Because they’re talking more? Because their pictures are being published more? This is a propaganda I’m seeing in the media.

They may appear in the media, as we have free democracy, but we have much more influence. So, there’s no chance that our vote will be affected—rather, it will increase. The BNP is the only political party that enjoys the public’s trust.

Whenever the BNP has come to power, it has worked for the welfare of the people. It has advanced the free market economy, worked for democracy, and fostered a non-communal environment. Today’s foundation of Bangladesh’s economy is because of the BNP. The ready-made garments sector, remittances, and the free market economy began under the BNP. So, the public’s trust in the BNP is much greater. I disagree entirely with the notion that Jamaat-e-Islami or any other party’s influence is growing.

One of BNP’s 31 points is the formation of a national government. Can you explain what this government would entail?

As I mentioned, there will be elections. In these elections, we will consider forming a national government with the winning parties, excluding the Awami League. Our goal will be to work toward implementing the 31-point plan.

How would the government view the energy sector agreements signed under Sheikh Hasina’s administration?

I believe the energy sector agreements should be reviewed. These contracts need to be brought before the public. There has been significant corruption in the quick rental contracts. Huge sums of public money have gone toward electricity, but the people and the country are not receiving the expected benefits. A review is essential, and actions must be taken against these agreements.

The interim government claims inflation has decreased, but food prices haven’t. What’s behind this disparity?

It won’t happen overnight. We must consider the characteristics of our business community, the political environment, and various sectors. Change doesn’t occur overnight. Good governance is needed. It will take some time and practice.

I’m quite hopeful about the measures the economic adviser and the governor are taking. These steps will undoubtedly steer the country from its fragile state to a better place. I believe inflation will decrease.

Dr. Muhammad Yunus has good relations with Western countries. Do you think Western influence is now greater in Bangladesh’s politics?

I’m not pointing to the influence of any particular country or power. The most significant influence comes from the people of Bangladesh. The people of Bangladesh want a democratic state, and that desire has had the greatest impact. The Western world has supported our democratic movement. It supported the movement because it was a people’s uprising. So, I believe not just the Western world but the entire world will support this.

Can you explain the ‘Aynaghar’?

The Aynaghar is a symbol of the extreme oppression of the fascist government. It started with our MP Ilias Ali. He led the movement against the Tipaimukh Dam in Sylhet. His disappearance marked the beginning. Then Chowdhury Alam and Parvez were also disappeared. In 2013-14, during our movement, many student leaders were abducted. At least 700 people have been disappeared.

Military officers, ordinary people, and government officials who protested were taken there and tortured. This reflects the fascist nature of the government. It’s a replica of the Nazi concentration camps. But now that a new government is in place, such incidents will no longer happen.

Some people are comparing Aynaghar to Hawa Bhaban. What’s your response?

This is entirely a false notion. It is unjust, biased, and deliberate. Hawa Bhaban was an office of one or more individuals, which later became the opposition party’s office. Has anyone ever reported torture taking place there? Has anyone ever reported people being detained there? By making such claims, they aim to undermine the BNP. They want to downplay the significance of Aynaghar, which is not just large but terrifying.

There’s been much discussion about student politics. What are BNP’s thoughts on this?

Student politics is not legally tied to our main political party. The Jatiotabadi Chhatradal is now our allied or fraternal organization. They will chart their own course in politics.

For the past 15 years, there hasn’t been any real student politics. That was the situation until this mass uprising. Students were removed from politics, and I’ve said this many times before. Given this, I’m hopeful that these students have returned to politics and are discussing it. They’ve become aware of the country’s issues and are speaking about them. Since today’s youth are highly intelligent, they will set things right. However, it must be in the nation’s interest, not for any individual’s benefit.

Student politics has always provided direction. Those involved in student politics this time did not engage in party politics. What they’ve done has been in the nation’s interest. I believe they will continue to act in the nation’s best interest. That said I’m not in favor of abolishing student politics. Student politics must exist because I believe it is through this that leadership emerges, culture develops, and political wisdom grows.

This interview appeared in the print and online edition of Bonik Barta and has been translated for the English edition.